MARHAENIS DI ERA IMPERIALISME

Marhaenis di Era Imperialisme
Catatan untuk Budiman Sudjatmiko
Oleh Coen Husain Pontoh

Artikel panjang Budiman Sudjatmiko, menarik untuk didiskusikan lebih lanjut. Pertama, artikel itu coba melihat bagaimana kondisi negara-bangsa Indonesia di era kapitalisme-neoliberal saat ini; kedua, bagaimana posisi Marhaenis di tengah-tengah pergulatan itu; dan ketiga, bagaimana seharusnya Marhaenis bersikap.

Untuk memudahkan catatan saya terhadap artikel Budiman itu, saya ingin menempatkan artikel tersebut dalam bingkai Republik dan bingkai Imperialisme (saya tidak menggunakan istilah neoliberal, karena istilah ini lebih berbicara soal masalah ekonomi internasional). Republik di sini saya maksudkan, sebagai upaya bersama sebuah bangsa untuk meninggikan derajat kesejahteraan rakyat, harkat kemanusiaannya, dan independensinya dalam pergaulan antar bangsa. Dengan demikian, Republik bermakna pembangunan ke dalam di bidang ekonomi, politik, sosial, budaya, dan pertahanan keamanan.

Sementara Imperialisme, adalah sebuah upaya pembangunan kekaisaran global (empire) melalui proses penaklukan, pendudukan, dan atau pengontrolan sumber-sumber daya alam di luar negeri. Pada masa sekarang ini, kalangan ilmuwan sosial progresif meyakini, Imperialisme merupakan motor penggerak sejarah yang sebenarnya. Dengan demikian, ada jurang lebar antara pengertian Republik dan Imperialisme. Jika keberhasilan Republik dinilai berdasarkan hubungan yang setara, tumbuh suburnya solidaritas sosial di kalangan anak-bangsa, maka kesuksesan imperialisme dihasilkan dari hubungan yang timpang dan dominatif.

Dari pemaknaan ini, ingin saya katakan, sejak peristiwa G30S 1965, negara-bangsa Indonesia sebagai sebuah Republik, praktis telah gagal, hancur berkeping-keping. Martabat manusia diluluh-lantakkan, hubungan antar sesama berlangsung penuh kecurigaan dan serba tegang, rasa solidaritas dan kebersamaan musnah. Yang tinggal adalah laku bunuh-bunuhan, jegal-jegalan, korupsi, kebodohan, kemiskinan, penghianatan intelektual, hingga ketergantungan yang parah terhadap dinamika ekonomi internasional.

Beriringan dengan kebangkrutan Republik itu, rejim Orde Baru (Orba), di bawah kondisi perang global melawan komunisme, secara perlahan dan penuh kepastian, menggiring negara-bangsa Indonesia menjadi negara klien (Client-State/CS) bagi negara imperial (Imperial-State/IS). Dalam posisi sebagai CS ini, rejim Orba berfungsi memfasilitasi, melayani, dan melindungi kelancaran dan kelangsungan eksploitasi sumberdaya manusia dan sumberdaya alam Indonesia. Sejak peristiwa G30S 1965 itu, apa yang disinyalir Bung Karno sebagai “bangsa kuli dan kuli di antara bangsa-bangsa,” diwujud-nyatakan oleh rejim Orba.

Setelah reformasi yang menumbangkan pucuk kekuasaan rejim Orba pada 1998, terjangan imperialisme semakin menjadi-jadi. Rejim-rejim paska reformasi kian menjadikan dirinya sebagai klien imperialis. Jika pada masa Orba, agen-agen imperialisme masih harus bernegosiasi dengan struktur kekuasaan yang relatif homogen, saat ini, justru rejim-rejim paska reformasi berusaha semampu mungkin mengikatkan dirinya pada agen-agen imperialisme itu. Jika pada masa Orba Imperialisme bekerja di bawah payung perang global melawan komunisme, di masa reformasi ini, Imperialisme bekerja di bawah atap perang global melawan terorisme. Akibatnya, bukannya membuka lembaran baru bagi kebangkitan kembali Republik, rejim di era transisi ini malah kian menghamba pada tuntutan-tuntutan negara imperial: obral murah perusahaan milik negara, mencabut sesegera mungkin subsidi untuk kebutuhan mendasar rakyat, atau bagaimana agar kekuatan buruh selekas-lekasnya dilucuti agar tidak mengganggu kelangsungan eksplotasi.

Dan, keberhasilan melayani kepentingan imperial itu, dijadikan ukuran sukses tidaknya kinerja rejim masa transisi. Kata kuncinya, semakin terintegrasi semakin sukses. Misalnya, semakin banyak menjual perusahaan milik negara (BUMN), pertanda rejim baru ini sukses melaksanakan reformasi ekonomi. Semakin cepat mencabut subsidi kebutuhan pokok, semakin berbangga diri sebagai rejim paling konsisten. Semakin cepat membayar utang luar negeri, semakin merasa terhormat di mata negara imperial.

Tapi, kita tahu, semua rasa bangga itu bermakna, makin hancurnya bangunan Republik. Pertanda, posisi kaum Marhaen semakin terjepit, tergilas, dan tertinggal. “Kaum segala kecil” inilah yang pada akhirnya harus membayar totalitas penghambaan itu. Mereka tidak dilayani, dilindungi, dan difasilitasi oleh rejim-rejim paska reformasi. Bahkan, ketika rejim itu dipimpin oleh anak darah Bapak Marhaen, Soekarno.

Bagaimana Sikap Marhaenis?
Pada titik ini, kita tidak mendapatkan sebuah uraian yang memadai dari Budiman Sudjatmiko. Ia hanya memberikan lontaran-lontaran ide yang umum. Misalnya, ia mengatakan, untuk menjawab tantangan kekinian berupa runtuhnya Republik dan berjayanya globalisasi neoliberal, kaum Marhaen haruslah menjadi sebuah gerakan politik. Dan rupanya, gerakan politik yang dimaksudkannya itu, kaum Marhaen harusnya bergabung atau membentuk sebuah partai politik. “Kita tak terlalu berlarut-larut memperdebatkan urusan tersebut,” ujarnya tegas.

Tentu saja ini sebuah penyederhanaan yang berbahaya dan abai sejarah. Faktanya, kaum Marhaen, menjelang dan terutama setelah runtuhnya pucuk kekuasaan rejim Orba, telah begitu terpolitisasi. Mereka telah menyatakan sikap dan pilihan politiknya melalui dukungannya terhadap PDI-P dan Megawati Soekarnoputri. Dukungan itu luar biasa besar, penuh semangat, sukarela, yang dilambari optimisme yang tinggi. Sialnya, dukungan politik penuh antusias itu diselewengkan, lebih tepatnya, dikhianati oleh PDI-P dan Megawati Soekarnoputri. Seperti saya katakan di atas, tak ada satupun usaha serius dari PDI-P dan Megawati untuk membangun kembali Republik. Dan atas penyelewengan serta pengkhianatan itu, kaum Marhaen, lagi-lagi menunjukkan sikap politiknya dengan mentalak tiga kepemimpinan Megawati.

Maka di sini, gerakan politik Marhaenis bukan pertama-tama bagaimana membangun partai politik atau masuk partai politik. Yang terutama adalah merumuskan kembali posisi politik Marhaen, apakah berpihak pada Republik atau terus menjadi klien negara imperialis. Jika berpihak pada Republik, maka slogan lama Bung Karno “go to hell with your aid” adalah titik pijak pertama untuk melangkah ke depan. Gerakan politik Marhaen, harus secara tegas menyatakan penolakannya terhadap seluruh agenda negara imperialis. Dalam bidang ekonomi, misalnya, kaum Marhaen harus tegas-tegas menolak seluruh agenda kebijakan neoliberal. Dalam bidang politik dan pertahanan keamanan, kaum Marhaen harus menolak keterlibatan Indonesia dalam skenario perang global melawan terorisme. Sekali melunak, atau sejenak saja menjadi moderat, selamanya tak akan mampu ke luar dari jebakan imperialisme. Inilah yang menimpa rejim Luiz Ignacio “Lula” Da Silva di Brazil.

Dengan posisi politik seperti ini, implikasi praktisnya, kaum Marhaen, haruslah membangun gerakan politik yang independen, di luar partai politik yang ada saat ini. Jelasnya, gerakan politik Marhaenisme, tidak boleh lagi berkait apalagi menjadi bagian struktural dari partai-partai politik yang kini eksis. Terbukti sudah, partai-partai politik yang berjaya saat ini, dari yang mengusung jargon agama maupun jargon sekuler, telah mengkhianati Republik, telah mempecundangi kaum Marhaen. Tanpa independensi ini, gerakan politik Marhaenis, hanya akan menjadi kerikil dalam sepatu bagi kekuatan politik yang ada, ia hanya akan menjadi “buih di tengah gelombang samudra.” Ia tidak bisa menjadi benteng perlindungan, sekaligus tempat menyusun strategi untuk membangun kembali Republik.

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